Wednesday

Tuesday October 9, 1962 | The Day Uganda Gained Independence from British Rule!

The general salute on Independence day, October 9, 1962. Left to Right: Madam and Sir Walter Coutts, Premier Milton Obote, the Duke of Kent, and other guests.

This photograph brings back a lot of fond memories from my childhood in Kampala, in 1962.
My father had the privilege of being among the first generation of Ugandan British university graduate, and trained civil servants appointed on merit to take over from the departing colonial administrators.

As such he was among the lucky Ugandans besides the political leaders, to be invited with specially mimeographed Uganda government printing press cards for the midnight Uganda independence handover ceremony. Together with our mother and another of my brothers we were privileged to be among the thousands of invited guests, well wishers and dignitaries from all around the world in the elaborate stalls somewhere in the makeshift pavilions at midnight on October 9th, 1962; at Kololo airstrip.

Kololo airstrip is an old out of use light aircraft airfield that the British abandoned sometime before Uganda's independence. Rumors had it that it was intended to be the country's main airport before the Entebbe airport was built. It was within walking distance from where we moved after my father was appointed as a replacement for the departing colonial administration expatriates. The field was always well maintained and we often used to take walks up to the airfield as we familiarized ourselves with our new neighborhood for leisure or play. For interesting articles, newspaper clippings and musings on what life was like in Kampala in 1962, visit Letters from Sonja at UgPulse.com.- Courtesy of ugandaninsomniac

Premier Milton Obote delivering his independence day massage!

As a senior civil servant, my father was provided with a house and furniture to boot within walking distance from the Kololo airstrip. The ministry of works and housing that used to service the departing colonial expatriates in Kampala's sprawling colonial planned neighborhoods, provided moving trucks and movers as was customary at the time. The British administration really had a very disciplined, well funded and efficient service delivery system. A far cry from what we have today!

Colonial administrators and their families awaiting the arrival of the Queen mother, at Entebbe airport, 1959, just 3 years before the end of British rule!

With all the influx of colonial administrators, expatriates, businessmen, teachers & academics at the then prestigious East Africa's main Makerere University; Plus missionaries, Asian-settlers and tourists, Kampala was quite a cosmopolitan city like many of the rest of Uganda's colonial district towns established by the British.

A birds eye view of Kampala at the time of independence!

Kampala neighborhoods and suburbs were at par with any modern western city at the time. In contrast most of my parents relatives and grandparents still lived in rural villages, like the majority of other average peasant Ugandans. There was no electricity, tarmac streets or lights or indoor plumbing either, in the majority of these villages. Through a peculiar combination of self reliance, hard work and adherence to cultural values; rural village life thrived in harmony with the encroaching colonial rule up to the time of independence. This is the environment all of the now independent Uganda's new leaders and bureaucrats grew up in. It gave us, especially the kids, a seamless taste of both worlds.

Uganda's Location!

On the eve of October 9th, the makeshift pavilions at Kololo were full to capacity with exuberant and lighthearted Ugandans together with the outgoing British colonial administrators and hundreds of invited guests and well wishers from around the world. At the stroke of midnight, Mr. Milton Apollo Obote took the oath of office as the first prime minister of the newly independent Uganda, followed simultaneously by the playing of the national anthem by the Uganda Rifles band, the lowering of the Union Jack and the raising of the new Uganda national flag. Mr Obote also delivered an independence day speech on behalf of all Ugandans, after taking the oath of office. A twenty one gun salute and fireworks ensued soon there after. Celebrations continued throughout the wee hours of October 9th, even though for us we went straight back home with our parents.
I have found out also, that there was a ceremonial opening of parliament by the Duke and Duchess of Kent, who represented the Queen at independence celebrations!

Uganda rifles band, now known as army band!

Later that day there was a float parade that went through down town with throngs of spectators and well wishers. My memory of this parade has been fading until I came across photos on the internet from that period. Click the link here to reminisce!

Raising the new Uganda flag, October 9, 1962

I was too young to realize I was in the midst of history and among such distinguished guests and dignitaries from all over the world. Too ambivalent to even realize my country was just coming to the end of 68 years of British protectorate and administration that began with their arrival in 1894, and the signing of the Buganda Agreement of 1900!

Independence decorations in 1962 which appeared in proliferation all over the country in the run up to Independence day October 9, 1962. - PHOTO John Garside

The city streets were adorned with all manner of Uganda's diverse ethnic and cultural celebration artifacts and symbols on bill boards and makeshift arches intermingled with Uganda's new flag colors and court of arms. Every major government building, private business buildings, sidewalks and city street light poles were draped with flags and cultural symbols for months preceding and after the big day. To be earnest, as kids we were largely oblivious to the significance of all the festivities around us. In retrospect I had even no idea of who Obote was at the time.

Makeshift arches and shields decorate Kampala Road at the Bank of Baroda in October 1962 - PHOTO Daphne Seager

Even though it was vague to us as kids at the time, now I can clearly understand why our parents had to attend so many evening parties during that festive period, while we remained at home with baby sitters!

We got to the pavilion early, the eve of October 9th; so as to make sure we got seats. Our father was always a stickler about appointments like that! Ushers that made sure every guest had their invitation cards guided everyone to their seats.

The thing that mesmerized me the most that night, was the dazzling fireworks. It was the first time I had ever witnessed fireworks in my fledgling life, though you wouldn't be able to tell from my glib posturing!

Uganda was such a wonderful place especially to be a child. So full of hope, opportunity and promise for the future. You could get anything you wanted and at such affordable prices. I think the Ugandan shilling was about equivalent to the dollar or the British pound, give or take a few cents difference at the time. Compare that to todays exchange rates!

Its difficult to fathom the difference 47 years have made since that joyous day back on October 9th, 1962. I have as much shock as chagrin when I stop and think about the promise and hope Uganda held at that time!

And this is where the article attached to this note factors in.

From this day, October 9th, 2009; 47 years since we gained independence, let this Facebook note remain a permanent testament for all Ugandans, especially the young, at home and abroad, that what happened in our history, need not have happened, and need not happen again.

Those who forget the lessons of history are bound to repeat it. Lets all be vigilant this time.

While some may disagree, and for all his good intentions and the privilege to lead Uganda to independence; the following article is a damning indictment of Dr. Obote's actions in February, 1966.

Had Mr. Obote and his enablers not abdicated the constitution, the ensuing palpable downward spiral of rule by the barrel of the gun rather than the rule of law would not have become the trademark of Uganda's political legacy.

Its time to embrace the power of meritocracy in our political leadership again!

Uganda's approach to independence

[ Uganda's approach to independence was unlike that of most other colonial territories where political parties had been organized to force self-rule or independence from a reluctant colonial regime. Whereas these conditions would have required local and regional differences to be subordinated to the greater goal of winning independence, in Uganda parties were forced to cooperate with one another, with the prospect of independence already assured. One of the major parties, KY, was even opposed to independence unless its particular separatist desires were met. The UPC-KY partnership represented a fragile alliance of two fragile parties.

In the UPC, leadership was factionalized. Each party functionary represented a local constituency, and most of the constituencies were ethnically distinct. For example, Obote's strength lay among his Langi kin in eastern Uganda; George Magezi represented the local interests of his Banyoro compatriots; Grace S.K. Ibingira's strength was in the Ankole kingdom; and Felix Onama was the northern leader of the largely neglected West Nile District in the northwest corner of Uganda. Each of these regional political bosses and those from the other Uganda regions expected to receive a ministerial post in the new Uganda government, to exercise patronage, and to bring the material fruits of independence to local supporters. Failing these objectives, each was likely either to withdraw from the UPC coalition or realign within it.

Moreover, the UPC had had no effective urban organization before independence, although it was able to mobilize the trade unions, most of which were led by non-Ugandan immigrant workers from Kenya (a situation which contributed to the independent Uganda government's almost immediate hostility toward the trade unions). No common ideology united the UPC, the composition of which ranged from the near reactionary Onama to the radical John Kakonge, leader of the UPC Youth League. As prime minister, Obote was responsible for keeping this loose coalition of divergent interest groups intact.

Obote also faced the task of maintaining the UPC's external alliances, primarily the coalition between the UPC and the kabaka, who led Buganda's KY. Obote proved adept at meeting the diverse demands of his many partners in government. He even temporarily acceded to some demands which he found repugnant, such as Buganda's claim for special treatment. This accession led to demands by other kingdoms for similar recognition. The Busoga chiefdoms banded together to claim that they, too, deserved recognition under the rule of their newly defined monarch, the kyabasinga. Not to be outdone, the Iteso people, who had never recognized a precolonial king, claimed the title kingoo for Teso District's political boss, Cuthbert Obwangor. Despite these separatist pressures, Obote's long-term goal was to build a strong central government at the expense of entrenched local interests, especially those of Buganda.

The first major challenge to the Obote government came not from the kingdoms, nor the regional interests, but from the military. In January 1964, units of the Ugandan Army mutinied, demanding higher pay and more rapid promotions (see The First Obote Regime: The Growth of the Military , ch. 5). Minister of Defense Onama, who courageously went to speak to the mutineers, was seized and held hostage. Obote was forced to call in British troops to restore order, a humiliating blow to the new regime. In the aftermath, Obote's government acceded to all the mutineers' demands, unlike the governments of Kenya and Tanganyika, which responded to similar demands with increased discipline and tighter control over their small military forces.

The military then began to assume a more prominent role in Ugandan life. Obote selected a popular junior officer with minimal education, Idi Amin Dada, and promoted him rapidly through the ranks as a personal protégé. As the army expanded, it became a source of political patronage and of potential political power.

Later in 1964, Obote felt strong enough to address the critical issue of the "lost counties," which the British had conveniently postponed until after independence. The combination of patronage offers and the promise of future rewards within the ruling coalition gradually thinned opposition party ranks, as members of parliament "crossed the floor" to join the government benches. After two years of independence, Obote finally acquired enough votes to give the UPC a majority and free himself of the KY coalition. The turning point came when several DP members of parliament (MPs) from Bunyoro agreed to join the government side if Obote would undertake a popular referendum to restore the "lost counties" to Bunyoro. The kabaka, naturally, opposed the plebiscite. Unable to prevent it, he sent 300 armed Baganda veterans to the area to intimidate Banyoro voters. In turn, 2,000 veterans from Bunyoro massed on the frontier. Civil war was averted, and the referendum was held. The vote demonstrated an overwhelming desire by residents in the counties annexed to Buganda in 1900 to be restored to their historic Bunyoro allegiance, which was duly enacted by the new UPC majority despite KY opposition.

This triumph for Obote and the UPC strengthened the central government and threw Buganda into disarray. KY unity was weakened by internal recriminations, after which some KY stalwarts, too, began to "cross the floor" to join Obote's victorious government. By early 1966, the result was a parliament composed of seventy- four UPC, nine DP, eight KY, and one independent MP. Obote's efforts to produce a one-party state with a powerful executive prime minister appeared to be on the verge of success.

Paradoxically, however, as the perceived threat from Buganda diminished, many non-Baganda alliances weakened. And as the possibility of an opposition DP victory faded, the UPC coalition itself began to come apart. The one-party state did not signal the end of political conflict, however; it merely relocated and intensified that conflict within the party. The issue that brought the UPC disharmony to a crisis involved Obote's military protégé, Idi Amin.

In 1966 Amin caused a commotion when he walked into a Kampala bank with a gold bar (bearing the stamp of the government of the Belgian Congo) and asked the bank manager to exchange it for cash. Amin's account was ultimately credited with a deposit of £17,000. Obote rivals questioned the incident, and it emerged that the prime minister and a handful of close associates had used Colonel Amin and units of the Uganda Army to intervene in the neighboring Congo crisis. Former supporters of Congolese leader Patrice Lumumba, led by a "General Olenga," opposed the American-backed government and were attempting to lead the Eastern Province into secession. These troops were reported to be trading looted ivory and gold for arms supplies secretly smuggled to them by Amin. The arrangement became public when Olenga later claimed that he failed to receive the promised munitions. This claim appeared to be supported by the fact that in mid-1965, a seventy-five-ton shipment of Chinese weapons was intercepted by the Kenyan government as it was being moved from Tanzania to Uganda.

Obote's rivals for leadership within the UPC, supported by some Baganda politicians and others who were hostile to Obote, used the evidence revealed by Amin's casual bank deposit to claim that the prime minister and his closest associates were corrupt and had conducted secret foreign policy for personal gain, in the amount of £25,000 each. Obote denied the charge and said the money had been spent to buy the munitions for Olenga's Congolese troops. On February 4, 1966, while Obote was away on a trip to the north of the country, an effective "no confidence" vote against Obote was passed by the UPC Mps. This attempt to remove Obote appeared to be organized by UPC Secretary General Grace S.K. Ibingira, closely supported by the UPC leader from Bunyoro, George Magezi, and a number of other southern UPC notables. Only the radical UPC member, John Kakonge, voted against the motion.

Because he was faced with a nearly unanimous disavowal by his governing party and national parliament, many people expected Obote to resign. Instead, Obote turned to Idi Amin and the army, and, in effect, carried out a coup d'état against his own government in order to stay in power. Obote suspended the constitution, arrested the offending UPC ministers, and assumed control of the state. He forced a new constitution through parliament without a reading and without the necessary quorum. That constitution abolished the federal powers of the kingdoms, most notably the internal autonomy enjoyed by Buganda, and concentrated presidential powers in the prime minister's office. The kabaka objected, and Buganda prepared to wage a legal battle. Baganda leaders rhetorically demanded that Obote's "illegal" government remove itself from Buganda soil.

Buganda, however, once again miscalculated, for Obote was not interested in negotiating. Instead, he sent Idi Amin and loyal troops to attack the kabaka's palace on nearby Mengo Hill. The palace was defended by a small group of bodyguards armed with rifles and shotguns. Amin's troops had heavy weapons but were reluctant to press the attack until Obote became impatient and demanded results. By the time the palace was overrun, the kabaka had taken advantage of a cloudburst to exit over the rear wall. He hailed a passing taxi and was driven off to exile. After the assault, Obote was reasonably secure from open opposition. The new republican 1967 constitution abolished the kingdoms altogether. Buganda was divided into four districts and ruled through martial law, a forerunner of the military domination over the civilian population that all of Uganda would experience after 1971.

Obote's success in the face of adversity reclaimed for him the support of most members of the UPC, which then became the only legal political party. The original independence election of 1962, therefore, was the last one held in Uganda until December 1980. On the homefront, Obote issued the "Common Man's Charter," echoed the call for African Socialism by Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, and proclaimed a "move to the left" to signal new efforts to consolidate power. His critics noted, however, that he placed most control over economic nationalization in the hands of an Asian millionaire who was also a financial backer of the UPC. Obote created a system of secret police, the General Service Unit (GSU). Headed by a relative, Akena Adoko, the GSU reported on suspected subversives (see Internal Security Services , ch. 5). The Special Force Units of paramilitary police, heavily recruited from Obote's own region and ethnic group, supplemented the security forces within the army and police.

Although Buganda had been defeated and occupied by the military, Obote was still concerned about security there. His concerns were well founded; in December 1969 he was wounded in an assassination attempt and narrowly escaped more serious injury when a grenade thrown near him failed to explode. He had retained power by relying on Idi Amin and the army, but it was not clear that he could continue to count on their loyalty.

Obote appeared particularly uncertain of the army after Amin's sole rival among senior army officers, Brigadier Acap Okoya, was murdered early in 1970. (Amin later promoted the man rumored to have recruited Okoya's killers.) A second attempt was made on Obote's life when his motorcade was ambushed later that year, but the vice-president's car was mistakenly riddled with bullets. Obote began to recruit more Acholi and Langi troops, and he accelerated their promotions to counter the large numbers of soldiers from Amin's home, which was then known as West Nile District. Obote also enlarged the paramilitary Special Force as a counterweight to the army.

Amin, who at times inspected his troops wearing an outsized sport shirt with Obote's face across the front and back, protested his loyalty. But in October 1970, Amin was placed under temporary house arrest while investigators looked into his army expenditures, reportedly several million dollars over budget. Another charge against Amin was that he had continued to aid southern Sudan's Anya Nya rebels in opposing the regime of Jafaar Numayri even after Obote had shifted his support away from the Anyanya to Numayri. This foreign policy shift provoked an outcry from Israel, which had been supplying the Anyanya rebels. Amin was close friends with several Israeli military advisers who were in Uganda to help train the Ugandan Army, and their eventual role in Amin's efforts to oust Obote remained the subject of continuing controversy.]

3 comments:

  1. Nice article. The only one I have found on the net that explains something about the Ugandan independence.

    Kulsum

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  2. I could never have had a better feel of before and after independence than this. Thank you.

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  3. Your article was very informative. Much as obotes's tactics were unsavoury I still fault baganda's push for secession as the catalyst that led to their demise.
    At the time of independence most Africans were more interested in embracing African Unity than, feudal subjugation. Unfortunately Baganda's myopia did not grasp this fact, but rather remained trapped in the colonial mindset of favouritism and divide and rule.
    Obote being the political beast we've all come to know, saw this fault and "went for the kill" to finish off the forces of backwardness masked in traditional rulers.

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